But policymakers tend to work in silos, causing unsynchronised policy measures focused on short-term returns, such as those offered by the infrastructural solutions. Solving climate-induced sea level rise and land subsidence involves various stakeholders, from those responsible for coordinating climate mitigation to those managing groundwater use and urban water services. For instance, while the large-scale seawalls provide immediate protection from inundation, their hefty construction materials add pressure to the already sinking land.įrom a governance perspective, the multiple causes of sinking cities make it difficult to pinpoint a specific central actor that can address its root causes.
Besides, the infrastructural solutions often result in a boomerang effect.
Once the land sinks, there is little which can be done to reverse the situation. Scholars use this term to characterise problems that meet four criteria: the lack of time, when those seeking to solve the problem are also its source, the lack of a central authority (or a weak one), and policies that reduce the impact of the future irrationally.Īs a super wicked problem, sinking cities are a ticking time bomb, as land continues to subside, while climate extremes become more frequent. The ‘sinking cities’ problem is a ‘ super wicked problem’. Although some of these infrastructural solutions have failed to protect these communities from inundation, policymakers do not appear to be changing their approach. For instance, communities in Manila Bay in the Philippines and Northern Jakarta in Indonesia have been adapting to drastic landscape changes due to sea level rise and land subsidence. When these infrastructural protections fail, coastal communities often have to abandon their homes or adapt to the changing landscape. However, these infrastructural solutions do not yield a long-term result as they only address the symptoms but not the root causes.
These include the National Capital Integrated Coastal Development in Indonesia and the Manila Bay Integrated Flood Control, Coastal Defence, and Express Way project in the Philippines. In addition, some infrastructural solutions to address floods are financially more attractive than some nature-based solutions that could provide flood protection while addressing climate change. Such infrastructural solutions are more appealing to the public, as they provide a sense of security and protection from floods. Governments often approach the problem by building dikes, seawalls and by reclaiming land. The policy responses to the ‘sinking cities’ problem in Southeast Asia are mostly infrastructural, dating back to the colonial era. The IPCC also acknowledged that sea level rise could be influenced by human activities, such as subsidence and coastal development. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change ( IPCC) reported that over the last 100 years, the mean global sea level has risen by an average of 1 to 2 centimetres per year. These coastal cities are prone to the adverse impact of climate and environmental change. In many countries, export-oriented growth corresponds to the expansion of urban areas near coastal ports. There is a relationship between economic growth and the growth of urban areas.
While developed countries generally have better mitigation and adaptation strategies to deal with the problem, developing countries, such as those in Southeast Asia, are often left out due to the lack of financing, policy frameworks and technological know-how. As a result, an estimated 300 million people living in these sinking cities will be affected by floods in 2050. In the next three decades, rising sea levels will severely affect low-lying Asian countries, such as Vietnam, Indonesia, the Philippines and Thailand. The increasing threat from climate change has made coastal cities more vulnerable to floods, which impacts could be further exacerbated by extreme weather events.